Who wrote this totally useless communiqué?

London Sudan Conference, 15 April 2025: Co-Chairs' Statement

Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office, United Kingdom

[With Genocide Watch comments]

Sudan is entering its third year of conflict. [This statement is false. The genocidal wars in Sudan date from 1983 when the Arab Gathering took control of the government in Khartoum and began its genocides against black Africans in South Sudan, Nuba Mountains, South Kordofan, Blue Nile, Abyei, and Darfur.] The Sudanese people continue to be subject to terrible violence and suffering. Today, the United Kingdom, the African Union (AU), the European Union (EU), France and Germany brought together Foreign Ministers and high-level [Not a single Sudanese person except war lords of the genocidal Rapid Support Forces was invited.] Representatives from Canada, Chad [RSF arms conduit and base], Egypt [SAF arms supplier], Ethiopia, Kenya, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia [arms supplier], Norway, Qatar, South Sudan, Switzerland, Türkiye [arms supplier], United Arab Emirates [most important arms supplier of RSF and Darfur gold mine owner], Uganda and United States of America, alongside high-level [Note the British emphasis on hierarchy] Representatives of the League of Arab States (LAS) and the United Nations (UN) for the London Sudan Conference, building on the objectives, principles and modalities enshrined in the outcomes of the International Humanitarian Conference for Sudan and Neighbouring countries held in Paris on the 15 April 2024.

Together, the conference participants focused on making progress on our shared goals of ending this conflict and alleviating the suffering of the Sudanese people. [And giving speeches full of platitudes.] We reiterated our strong commitment to the sovereignty, unity, [???] independence and territorial integrity [???] of Sudan. We committed, again, to support their aspiration for a peaceful, united, democratic and just future. [Is there any hope for such a democratic outcome if either the SAF under General Burhan or the RSF under General Hemedti win this war?] We committed to increase the international attention on the human cost of this conflict, including internal displacement, and its impact on neighbouring countries, which are hosting and supporting significant Sudanese refugee populations. We recognised the urgency of the humanitarian situation and discussed how we can best align and strengthen efforts to get assistance to those who need it most.

We agreed on the urgency of decisive efforts [but nothing that would authorize a UN/AU force to intervene to stop the genocide] to resolve the conflict and emphasised that for these efforts to be effective, they need to be coherent as well as coordinated and based on comparative advantage and complementarity. We also agreed on the need to recognise the importance of Sudanese civilians, especially women and youth, as well as civil society [Not a single Sudanese civil society organization was invited to the conference.], in any efforts to resolve the conflict and shape the future of Sudan. The participants agreed that international initiatives and engagements should focus on emphasising the responsibility of parties to the conflict to protect civilians and uphold their obligations under international humanitarian and human rights law. They should build on Security Council Resolution 2736 (2024), [a UK sponsored toothless resolution that set no deadlines for a ceasefire, authorized no military force to enforce it, ignored the UAE’s blatant violation of the arms embargo on Darfur, called for no arrests of anyone charged with crimes against humanity and genocide by the ICC] and the Jeddah Declaration, as well as in the six core pillars articulated in the May 2023 AU Roadmap for the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of Sudan, and be guided by the following principles:

• The priority must be to reach an immediate and permanent ceasefire [The conference recommended no measures to achieve a ceasefire.] and end the conflict. [The conference recommended no measures to end the conflict.] The participants will proactively support efforts to find a peaceful solution and reject all activities, including external interference [The conference not only invited the UAE but avoided condemnation of the UAE’s arming of the RSF in blatant violation of the UN arms embargo on Darfur.], that heighten tensions or that prolong or enable fighting.

• The international community [does this mythical beast even exist?] stressed the necessity of preventing any partition of Sudan. [The RSF declared on the conference’s first day that it was establishing a rival government in Darfur.] The participants underscored that the non-interference by outside actors [Are these “actors” or states at the conference?] remains paramount and rejected any plans, including any announcement of parallel governments, that risk the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Sudan, and may jeopardise the democratic aspirations of the Sudanese people.

  
  

• The participants support the transition to a civilian-led government. It must be Sudanese people – in the widest and most representative sense – who articulate and decide the political future of their country. [There was no British condemnation of the military coup d’état that overthrew partial civilian government in 2023.] This cannot be imposed from outside. We commend the outcomes of the preparatory meetings of the Inter-Sudanese Political Dialogue facilitated by the AU / IGAD, the Cairo Conference for Civilian and Political Sudanese Forces, held in July 2024, and the Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to Protect the Civilians of Sudan. We encourage Sudanese civilian and political forces to engage in a constructive dialogue [i.e. more meaningless talk; no forceful action.] good faith in the second meeting of the Cairo Conference.

• Neighbouring states are directly affected by the conflict in Sudan and those present supported efforts to find a solution, including through the AU, IGAD, LAS and UN, and recognised wider support provided by the EU and Organisation of Islamic Cooperation.

• We called on relevant parties to allow and facilitate rapid, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access to all areas of need through all necessary routes in accordance with the commitments made in the Jeddah Declaration [i.e. more meaningless talk; no forceful action.], and in adherence with their obligations under international humanitarian law. We, as international partners, will fully support all efforts to provide principled, needs-based humanitarian assistance [Less than ten percent of the aid needed in Sudan has been pledged. The RSF and SAF loot any aid that is sent in.] across Sudan. We applauded the courage of Emergency Response Room volunteers, noting that they continue to deliver essential humanitarian aid and provide first responder support to Sudanese in dire need.

We agreed that, in forthcoming engagements with the parties, we will urge them to refrain from inflammatory rhetoric and to fully implement UNSC Resolutions 2724 (2024) and 2736 (2024), where relevant, and the AU Peace and Security Council Communiqués 1185 (2023) and 1218 (2024) on the situation in Sudan, the League of Arab States’ Summit decisions on Sudan, as well as the commitments made in the Jeddah Declaration. These include concrete obligations to ensure the protection of civilians. We welcomed the positive and constructive role of AU HLP-Sudan, the IGAD Special Envoy for Sudan, the LAS, and the UNSG Personal Envoy for Sudan.

Recognising the urgency and the scale of the humanitarian crisis, including the impact of the 3.8m Sudanese refugees and returnees on neighbouring states, participants reiterated their call upon the warring parties to take concrete and immediate action to respect international humanitarian law and alleviate the suffering [i.e. more meaningless talk; no forceful action.] of the Sudanese people. We further expressed alarm over continued and heightened violence against international and national humanitarian workers, including mutual aid groups and emergency response room volunteers working within their communities, condemning such attacks in the strongest terms. Participants stressed the importance of accountability.

We urged parties to lift all impediments, and guarantee safe, rapid, and unimpeded access throughout Sudan for humanitarian supplies and personnel. [i.e. more meaningless talk; no forceful action.] We specifically called on the parties to the conflict to respect the lifesaving and neutral character of humanitarian assistance, and to engage constructively with humanitarian agencies that deliver life-saving aid throughout Sudan in an impartial, safe and transparent manner. Participants expressed condolences to organisations and families of humanitarian workers who have lost their lives helping those in need. [Scores of humanitarian workers have been killed by the RSF and by SAF bombing.] We also called on parties to enable and facilitate the operations of humanitarian organisations, including the UN.

We reaffirmed our commitment to the importance of preventative diplomacy [For over 25 years, diplomacy has not prevented genocide and crimes against humanity in Sudan.] by international partners, regional, continental and global multilateral bodies engaging in proactive measures to prevent further escalation of the conflict and foster stability in the region.

Participants agreed a series of specific next steps, based on the principles of strategic coordination [What does this mean?] and comparative advantage [Ricardo’s free trade theories?] and through revived existing groupings attended by the participants of today’s event, including the AU Expanded Mechanism and the Consultative Meetings on Enhancing Coordination of Peace Initiatives and Efforts in Sudan. [i.e. Let diplomatic bureaucrats hold ineffective conferences in 5-star hotels.] Participants recognised the importance of integrated efforts on mediation processes on Sudan.

Agreed by the co-chairs of the London Sudan Conference: the African Union, the European Union, France, Germany, and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

Who wrote this totally useless communiqué?